The contrast between the policy documents issued by the two Fine Gael leadership contenders is quite striking.
The document released by Simon Coveney over the weekend, fronted by a sombre and serious-looking Minister for Housing, his social concern furrowing his brow, is for the most part a broad-brush description of his approach to politics.
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There are a few specific policy ideas studded through the text, but even then they are couched in the language of “I believe”, “I favour” and “I propose”.
Leo Varadkar’s document is different, for the most part. While it also introduces you to the candidate’s hinterland and his political credo, it is a far more specific and kinetic document than his rival’s. It contains pledges and promises – to that extent, it has more than a whiff of an election manifesto: it says “we will” rather than “I propose”.
But there are also substantial differences in tone, and in politics.
Coveney set out an approach grounded in Fine Gael's "Just Society" tradition, emphasising a determination to address the "deep geographical and societal divisions" in Ireland.
“We should be a party for everyone that seeks to unite rather than to divide,” Coveney writes. “Our goal should be the creation of a society in which everyone can participate and an economy from which everyone can benefit.”
It would be forgivable to dismiss this as just politician’s guff. In the current context, it is an effort to differentiate him as the candidate leaning towards what used to be the social democratic wing of Fine Gael. It may be rhetoric, but it is not meaningless.
Varadkar’s document is significantly more substantial, and its signposts towards the policy of his government are clearer.
Hope and ambition
Its opening pages stress hope and ambition, enterprise and reward. It places the candidate squarely on the side of the “coping classes”, the people he has described as the ones who get up early in the morning.
His message to the early risers is clear: “We will reduce our high marginal rates of income tax to bring us into line with our competitors in order to attract and retain professional talent. The marginal tax rate is too high and people start paying it at incomes that are far too modest. It discourages people from working extra hours, doing overtime or seeking a promotion. Nobody should pay more than 50 per cent in income tax and social insurance on any euro they earn.”
There are other people who get up early in the morning, of course – those bringing relatives to hospital appointments miles away, or those whose kids’ school is the other side of the city to their temporary accommodation in a hotel – but they are unlikely to benefit from cuts to the top rate of taxation.
Nor will Monday’s document, published on the day of talks on a new public service pay agreement, comfort the public sector trade unions. Varadkar says he will ban strikes in essential services, and signals that the pay talks should not be just about pay increases; he wants service improvements and pension reform, too.
Promise list
There are no costings in either document but Varadkar’s is more in need of them. Apart from the promise to cut the top rate of tax, his promises include:
* reduction in DIRT tax on savings and capital gains tax “to encourage enterprise and greater turnover in the property market”
* increased funding for the Town and Village Renewal Scheme
* pension increases
* more embassies and missions abroad
* a dedicated “urbanism fund”
* refund of water charges
* double the Government budget for arts, culture and sport over seven years and
*remuneration and supports for councillors (of course).
The detail here in all of the above is in stark contrast to the flimsy treatment of his plans for the health service, which merit only two paragraphs in the entire document.
There, it says: “The Oireachtas Committee on the Future of Healthcare is currently developing a long-term vision for healthcare and the direction of health policy. It is essential that the report of the committee be considered promptly by Government and a meaningful response be put forward for consideration by the Oireachtas.
Public health
“The health service of the future needs to be patient-centred and about better access and outcomes for patients. This will involve the further expansion and development of primary and social care, reformed structures, ICT and financial systems, sufficient capacity to satisfy unmet demand and a vigorous public health agenda,” his document stated.
And this from a man who was minister for health for two years.
Coveney supports tax cuts that would reduce to below 50 per cent the proportion of income tax paid by the highest earners; however, rather more gingerly, he described this as a “medium-term goal”.
The policy documents probably reflect accurately the campaign so far: Varadkar’s more detailed preparation and political abilities have put him in the driving seat. But his document, if not an election manifesto, certainly contains aspects of one. Would he seek to implement these plans if he becomes taoiseach next month? There’s not much point in them otherwise.
And where does that leave the confidence and supply agreement with Fianna Fáil, and the programme for government agreed with the Independents?
