Zohran Mamdani’s victory in the New York City Democratic mayoral primary is the outcome of a campaign that will be pored over, with elements replicated not just in America but anywhere left-wing politicians and movements are looking to break through. His surprise success vindicates the politics, message and strategies of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders, offering a blueprint for the Democratic Party on how to win.
In a city seemingly allergic to progressive mayors, how did he do it?
You can’t spell campaigns without Camps, an acronym I use when describing effective contemporary political campaigning. Camps stands for consistent, authentic, motivational, positive and simple.
[ This man could be just what the American left needsOpens in new window ]
Consistent: Mamdani’s political record may be short but it is consistent. His consistency is linked to his values. If you don’t actually hold values, if they shift with the wind, if they’re at the whim of market research and polling, then you are exposed as disingenuous. Mamdani didn’t win despite his solidarity with Palestine, he won because of it. He has shown up for undocumented immigrants and the LGBTQ+ community when many Democrats are attempting to park progressive values because they’re scared of the right or because – as is the case with Keir Starmer’s leadership in the UK – when you scratch centrism, right-wing positions emerge, betraying both substance and voter bases. Mamdani did not need to change who he was or dilute his message, because his consistency demonstrated his values and integrity.
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These five factors are how Zohran Mamdani took New York by storm
Authentic: Mamdani did not seem fake, generic, awkward or detached. He came across as real. “Outsiders”, or just newcomers, are refreshing because they’re novel. Voters want people they can relate to, who aren’t focus-grouped into blandness, and who don’t talk like ChatGPT. In contrast, the attacks against Mamdani were inauthentic, especially accusations of anti-Semitism, which he dismantled with patience and clarity. He also didn’t shirk authentic emotion when expressing how upsetting the Islamophobic attacks on him were.
Motivational: Mamdani’s campaign was a masterclass in creativity, messaging, design, connection and energy. Above all, it was motivational. Motivational campaigning is about generating a sense of enthusiasm that tips over into inspiring people into active participation. In practical terms, he motivated tens of thousands of canvassers to knock on more than a million doors. Contemporary campaigning must nail both digital and old-school strategies. Mamdani’s communication on social media was natural, and not forced or cringeworthy. But what was phenomenal was his campaign’s capacity to build a highly-organised grassroots movement that was documented and broadcast online. This feedback loop built a motivational story. When you’re seeing a compelling story unfold through your phone, when you’re feeling momentum grow in a way that feels inspiring, you’re more likely to get involved. When campaigns become movements, they take on an energy of their own. Everyone who participated in this grassroots movement can rightly claim to be part of the story.
Positive: Positive campaigning isn’t just about channelling a vibe or a message, it must be a demonstration. Mamdani didn’t attack competitors with shared values. In fact, he moved to endorse them. This was mature, pragmatic and refreshing. A standout demonstration of positivity was collaborating with his competitor, Brad Lander. Left-wing unity over left-wing purity tests wins every time. Andrew Cuomo ran a negative, low-energy, entitled and fear-based campaign, gifting Mamdani the contrast of positivity. Mamdani constantly foregrounded people power.
Simple: Simplicity is about policy. Mamdani’s policies were easy to understand and memorable. He campaigned on affordability and the cost of living. His platform was simple: New York is too expensive; here are some policies that will lower costs and make life easier. His policies were tangible: city-owned stores to lower the cost of groceries; free buses (the majority of New Yorkers don’t own cars); rent freezes for up to one million people; tripling the number of affordable housing units; free childcare. To fund much of this, he plans to raise corporate tax to 11.5 per cent, along with a millionaire tax of 2 per cent on the wealthiest 1 per cent. The latter drives many rich people crazy of course, but that doesn’t matter in campaigning terms when you’re drawing votes from the unaffected 99 per cent.
Ultimately, the so-called conventional wisdom collapsed. He has shown that money doesn’t necessarily win campaigns; the billionaire class can be beaten; young people will get involved and vote when they’re inspired; name recognition and dynastic power doesn’t always matter, and scare tactics can fail. Traditional media narratives urging the status quo be maintained were ineffective because traditional media is no longer hegemonic, and most people under 40 get their information and analysis from ideologically partisan alternative media, which has become the new mainstream.
The Democratic Party now has a choice. It can continue to double down on failed strategy, or take notes. Meek centrism cannot movement-build, coalition-build or counter right-wing authoritarianism. It can’t engage working-class people and young people. That’s just not a compelling story to tell or sell. What can be a compelling story is left-wing populism rooted in economic justice and communicated by interesting candidates.
