Sinn Féin’s recent ardfheis was a slick, professional affair, marking a decisive shift in strategy as it seeks to broaden its appeal and attract middle class voters. The national convention centre reflected the confidence of a party that now holds 23 seats in the Dáil and shares power in Northern Ireland. This big, modernist venue may have caused unease among long-term members, but the intended target was a more extensive, uncommitted television audience.
Sinn Féin endured a disappointing general election, falling short of its expectation by at least four seats. Support dribbled away as the media focussed on its links to the Provisional IRA, its response to sexual abuse and other 'legacy' issues. Condemnation of the Special Criminal Court and support for Thomas 'Slab' Murphy by Gerry Adams alienated wavering voters, while his poor grasp of financial matters caused further damage. Unsurprisingly, in his presidential address, Mr Adams chose to blame the media, along with Micheál Martin and Fianna Fáil, for the disappointing outcome.
Mr Adams is both an asset and a liability. His popularity within the party is unquestionable, being elected president for the 33rd time while, for outside observers, his role in the Northern Ireland peace process was progressive. At the same time, a refusal to admit to IRA membership and questions about his part in orchestrating decades-long bombing and murder campaigns cast long and uncomfortable shadows.
The party is making deliberate efforts to justify past Provisional IRA activity by conflating it with the Rising of 1916. A backdrop to the party's ardfheis invited the television audience to 'Join the Rising'. In praising the men and women of 1916, Mr Adams drew the greatest applause when he declared, "we have our own heroes from the H Blocks, Armagh and the 1981 hunger strikes and the patriot dead of our own time". Blurring those historic distinctions will be an on-going project. But Sinn Féin has already softened its rhetoric as it settles into government in Northern Ireland and challenges for power in this State. Unity remains a key objective, but it involves an "agreed Ireland" shared with "our unionist neighbours" while, in the South, it is fiercely critical of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael for failing to promote a unity agenda and offers a left-leaning alternative.
Sinn Féin’s drive for power, its rigid disciplinary code and internal decision-making processes have made relations with other left-wing parties difficult. That may change when Dáil and Seanad representation increases and elected members challenge the dominance of the ard comhairle in formulating policy. In the meantime, Sinn Féin is determined to avoid coalition arrangements – unless it is the dominant party – in the expectation that either Fine Gael or Fianna Fáil, those old civil war protagonists, will stumble.