The collapse of the world order that provided peace and security to Europe, and underpinned the development of a prosperous modern Ireland, demands a more serious response from the Government than has been evident to date.
It is now time to face up to our responsibilities and rapidly develop a coherent defence policy for this State no matter what it costs, and to make it clear that we are prepared to stand by our EU partners if they are attacked by an outside power.
Micheál Martin and Simon Harris have rightly expressed support for Ukraine in recent days but they both showed how much they are living in the past by referencing the need for a UN mandate for any Irish involvement in a future peacekeeping effort.
For decades Irish political leaders have relied on trite references to protecting Ireland’s “traditional neutrality” as if it was some sacred doctrine. In fact our “neutrality” is widely regarded in other EU countries as absurd and complacent, particularly given the way we make no pretence of being able to defend ourselves.
Ireland’s neutrality is widely regarded as absurd and complacent
Legal culture that underpins frivolous objections has to be reined in or the country will stagnate
Scenes of chaos and bullying in Dáil will have done nothing for the reputation of politicians
Sinn Féin is mistaken if it thinks Conor Murphy in the Seanad will inch us closer to a united Ireland
Now that Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin have decided to carve up Ukraine, Europe has entered a ruthless new phase in its history. Unless the Continent comes together to respond in a united and coherent fashion the only question will be which country Russia will invade next.
Comparisons have been drawn between Trump’s capitulation to Putin and Neville Chamberlain’s dash to Munich to appease Adolf Hitler in 1938. A more accurate comparison would probably be the Ribbentrop/Molotov pact of 1939 where the Nazis and the Russians carved up Poland between them before launching the second World War.
One of the most disgusting of all the horrible things Trump has done since taking office is his demand to take over half of all Ukraine’s natural resources as compensation for the aid the US has provided to date. That mentality suggests that Trump will have no objection if Russia eyes up the Baltic states next, and Poland after that, as long as there is something in it for him.
So where does this leave Ireland? Are we prepared to state unambiguously that we will stand with our EU partners through thick and thin? Going by the remarks of Martin and Harris it seems more likely we will look for an escape clause and plead that our “neutrality” prevents us from giving military assistance of any kind to our partners.
The solidarity clause of the Treaty on European Union states: “If a member state is the victim of armed aggression on its territory the other member states shall have towards it an obligation of aid and assistance by all the means in their power.”
In Ireland’s case this obligation is qualified by the protocol devised before the second Lisbon Treaty referendum which exempts us from being obliged to offer military aid. However, it would be entirely up to the Irish government and the Dáil whether or not to make such an offer, and there is no role for the UN in the decision.
During the Brexit crisis the rest of the EU, including many central and eastern European countries, gave unstinting solidarity to Ireland. Poland’s current prime minister, Donald Tusk, then chair of the European Council, was a key figure in defending Ireland’s interests against the UK.
This week British prime minister Keir Starmer has been unequivocal in support for united European action to defend the Continent against Russia and he courageously contacted Volodymyr Zelenskiy to offer solidarity after Trump’s disgraceful lies. The UK and France are emerging as leaders in the new European order. Will Ireland, which benefited from EU solidarity, simply turn its back on our partners when they are in trouble? While the military aid Ireland could offer in the event of an invasion of an EU state would be negligible, a refusal to come to the aid of a fellow member state would alter our relationship with the union in a fundamental fashion.
The other side of the coin is that we would expect EU countries, and the UK, to come to our aid if we are threatened. Only this week the chair of the US Senate foreign relations committee, Jim Risch, called on Ireland to increase its defence spending to ensure the protection of undersea cables, and he pointed out with some justice that Ireland’s strategic position in the western Atlantic comes with “significant responsibility”.
This makes it all the more imperative that we declare unequivocally our support for united EU action to defend European democracy against Russia. At present we spend just 0.2 per cent of our GDP on defence. There may have been some excuse for this when we were a poor country but there is no excuse now.
In recent years the government has repeatedly acknowledged the need to ramp up our defence forces but so far it has been all talk and very little action. The state of the Naval Service is a disgrace to our island nation, and means that we are utterly dependent on our neighbour to protect our seas.
National self-respect requires immediate action to meet our own defence needs, never mind our wider obligations.
