There is a Finnish saying, which roughly translates as “to be in the Lord’s purse”, says diplomat Jarmo Sareva.
An Irish equivalent might be “to be on the pig’s back”. It is a phrase which he believes perfectly describes Ireland’s approach to matters of defence and security.
“In the olden days when life was simpler and less complex, you were safe and sound in this purse. But of course things have changed. And they will change further still,” he said in an interview on Friday.
In the globalised, digital world of the 21st century, "that purse is now open", adds his colleague Liisa Talonpoika.
Ireland and Finland share many similarities. They have similar sized populations and economies, both are considered international tech hubs and both have been historically dominated by a much more powerful neighbour.
Neither are members of Nato and both countries define themselves as "military non-aligned".
Even if our models cannot be exported, we believe that they can serve as an inspiration for others
But, in terms of security and defence, the countries could not be more different. Finland’s defence budget is about five times the size of Ireland’s (it has just completed a deal to purchase 64 cutting edge F-35 fighter jets from the United States) and has mandatory military service for males over 18.
Finland’s exclusive economic maritime zone is 30 times smaller than Ireland’s, yet its navy operates more than 200 ships compared with Ireland’s nine.
The differences go far beyond the military, explains Talonpoika, who is Finland’s ambassador on hybrid threats.
Finns take a “whole of society approach” to security, she says. Its defence college hosts three-week-long training courses for political, community and business leaders on how to respond to threats and children are taught how to spot disinformation tactics from kindergarten.
To this end, Helsinki hosts the European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats which conducts training courses and exercises for militaries and governments. Ireland would be very welcome to join, says Talonpoika, speaking on a visit to Dublin. We are one of the few European Union states still to become a member.
“It’s not only the army that protects us,” she says. “It’s constant work that involves everyone.”
“I think we are doing well,” adds Sareva. “Even if our models cannot be exported, we believe that they can serve as an inspiration for others.”
Being experienced diplomats, both ambassadors refrain from criticising Irish defence policy or the lack thereof. However, they are very keen to know if the invasion of Ukraine and the recent report from the Commission on the Defence Forces has started a debate in Ireland on security issues.
Privately, other EU diplomats have recently expressed dismay and what they see as a lack of debate or awareness of security issues in this country at a time of worsening global tensions.
The Finns had a version of this debate in the wake of a cyberattack on its ministry of foreign affairs in 2013 (blame was reportedly later attributed to a Russian state-sponsored hacker group).
A national debate of cybersecurity followed, leading to the much more robust cybersecurity legislation and capabilities, Finnish ambassador to Ireland Raili Lahnalampi said.
Hybrid threats
Cyberattacks are just one of many types of hybrid threats which EU nations now face on a regular basis, says Talonpoika. In basic terms, a hybrid threat is a threat from foreign actors which includes everything but military action. Examples include cyberattacks, spreading disinformation on social media and attempting influence, or interfere with, in elections.
It can even extend to refusing to co-operate on immigration or international child custody matters, both areas where Finland has clashed with Russia.
The lies told by the Russian ambassador to Ireland about his country’s intentions towards Ukraine at the time of the planned naval exercises off the Irish coast are a prime example of a hybrid threat, she says. “It can come in many ways, but of course, it’s about showing your power.”
Social media is the perfect weapon for spreading disinformation and radicalising citizens, says Sareva, mentioning the work of the Internet Research Agency, the Russian online influence agency working out of St Petersburg which was active in interfering with the 2016 US election. And it is often older people who are most susceptible.
"I would go so far as to say that young people of today have a natural instinct to question what is true and what is crap. But then the likes of Facebook are turning our elderly, mild-mannered relatives into blood and soil fascists."
Even as he spoke, there were growing political calls back home for Finland to join Nato in the face of Russian aggression. Such a decision would require a referendum which will also be a prime target for hybrid warfare.
Will it impact Ireland? It is difficult to say. But it is necessary to be prepared and to strengthen one's networks
Ireland is unlikely to hold a referendum on joining Nato anytime soon. But security analysts believe other votes, such as referenda on greater EU integration or even a united Ireland would be extremely attractive targets for Russian interference.
There is also an expectation that the invasion of Ukraine will see increased cyberattacks on other countries in revenge for Russian sanctions. “Will it impact Ireland? It is difficult to say. But it is necessary to be prepared and to strengthen one’s networks,” says Sareva.
Echoing Tánaiste Leo Varadkar’s comment on Thursday, he said that while Ireland and Finland may be military non-aligned, “there cannot be neutrality when it comes to our European values: liberal democracy, open society, human rights, fundamental freedoms, gender equality, all the basics”.
Being in the “Lord’s purse” offers Ireland some protection not available to Russia’s direct closest neighbours, he adds.
“But even there, the long arm of the Tsar can reach to your waters.”
