JOHN Major and John Bruton were speaking without conviction in the cold outside 10 Downing Street yesterday evening, each playing to his own constituency in the full knowledge that they had failed to move matters one iota closer to an IRA ceasefire before Christmas.
Each tried to put the best gloss possible on their two hour AngloIrish meeting the Taoiseach by appealing to republicans, the Prime Minister by assuring the unionists that he had not changed his position.
But from their carefully crafted words at a short joint press conference outside Number 10, it was clear, nonetheless, that no meaningful progress whatsoever had been made to bridge the gap between the two governments on the conditions for Sinn Fein's entry into talks in the event of an IBA ceasefire.
As one shrewd Irish source said afterwards: "Sure, John Major wasn't there at all.
What he meant, of course, was that Mr Major was there physically but, plagued by parliamentary difficulties, he wasn't in any position to guarantee Sinn Fein's entry into the talks process for fear that he would lost unionist support.
The summit, therefore, amounted to a damn squib with the two leaders unable to bridge their differences over the precise terms required to ensure Sinn Fein's participation in the talks.
If there was any advance on the unilateral terms set out by British government in the letter and explanatory statement for the SDLP leader, Mr Hume, in the House of Commons library 13 days ago, it was Mr Major's insistence yesterday that there was no timeframe on the table.
And that is precisely what is dimming the prospect of a preChristinas ceasefire.
The essential gap between the two governments, as it was almost two weeks ago, is that Mr Major and Mr Bruton are not at one on the circumstances governing Sinn Fein's entry to talks after an IBA ceasefire.
Both leaders asserted yesterday that there is joint agreement that Sinn Fein's participation will require a "credible ceasefire" adherence to the Mitchell principles of non violence, and the ground rules document for the all inclusive talks.
Where they disagree is their respective interpretations of paragraph 8 of the ground rules, stating that the parties must "establish" a commitment to exclusively peaceful methods.
On at least two occasions publicly, Mr Major has spelt out the basis on which the British government will assess that such a commitment has been established in the event of a ceasefire.
The first occasion, two weeks ago in the House of Commons documentation for Mr Hume, was deemed "unhelpful" by the Taoiseach and the Tanaiste, after Mr Bruton had appealed to Mr Major by telephone not to proceed unilaterally.
The second occasion was yesterday when Mr Major didn't waiver on the original script. A new fudge wasn't even possible.
Mr Bruton repeated his assertion of a fortnight ago that the Government's position was that if the IRA clearly called an unequivocal ceasefire, "in words that are believable" - and provided that there was nothing done that was inconsistent with this ceasefire or with the Mitchell principles - then Sinn Fein should be admitted to participation in the talks in accordance with the ground rules we have agreed".
While Mr Major has documented his unilateral terms for assessing a "credible ceasefire", Mr Bruton has not.
Questioned relentlessly by Fianna Fail in the Dail this session, he has never spelt out precisely what Sinn Fein would have to do to satisfy the Irish Government that a commitment to exclusively peaceful methods had been "established", under paragraph 8 of the ground rules. He failed to outline his precise position on this point yesterday.
Though there was some "tough talking" between both sides to try to bridge the gap at yesterday's Anglo Irish summit, Government sources were admitting privately last night that "they had to agree to disagree".
Mr Major is so cornered by domestic difficulties, that a breakthrough is thought unlikely at the their next meeting on the fringes of the European Council meeting of the Irish presidency in Dublin on Friday and Saturday.
Forced to acknowledge last evening that "no two governments are completely ad idem on every" single question", Mr Bruton proceeded to start "speaking for myself" when he made a forceful appeal to Sinn Fein and the IBA to call a new ceasefire at the earliest stage.
In essence, he called on the republican movement to place its trust in the Government. With a credible ceasefire, it could be participating in the Northern talks by the end of January.
But after yesterday's summit, the prospects of a pre Christmas ceasefire from the IRA, on the terms set out by Gerry Adams to John Hume, must have receded. Unless, as has been speculated, Sinn Fein and the IBA want a ceasefire in place going into the next British general election.
