EU and Ukrainian flags fly side by side through much of the elegant but barricaded government quarter of the Ukrainian capital. Though Ukraine only achieved candidate status on June 23rd, and will probably wait years for full membership, Ukrainians fly the EU banner in much of their country, as a sign of their European aspirations.
“The revolution of dignity took place under two flags; the Ukrainian flag and the EU flag. It was about our dream of returning home to where we belong,” says Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze, who heads the EU integration committee in the Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada (parliament).
Klympush refers to the 2014 Maidan revolution, sparked by the pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych’s attempt to rescind Ukraine’s association agreement with the EU. More than 100 Ukrainians died in the protests, which resulted in Yanukovych’s overthrow.
Ukraine is European by culture, history and mentality, Klympush says. Yaroslav the Wise, the medieval prince of Kyiv, married three of his daughters, Elizabeth, Anna and Anastasia, to the kings of Norway, France and Hungary, and has been called the father-in-law of Europe. Ukraine also shielded Europe from Mongols and Tatars, she adds.
“For centuries, Europe was deprived of knowing us because Russia rewrote our history,” Klympush says. “The Russian empire, the Soviet Union and the Russian Federation kidnapped us. Russia tried to erase us from the map. This is a centuries-long war for our identity and sovereignty.”
Enthusiasm for Ukraine’s candidacy varies among EU member states. “When you come home, some relatives say, ‘Who are you?’ Some say, ‘You are too poor. You need to clean up.’ At the same time, your neighbour [Russia] wants to kill you, just because you knocked on Europe’s door.”
Klympush thanks Ireland for its strong support for Ukraine’s EU candidacy. “I really think that Ireland swayed some of those who were unsure,” she says.
Old Europe
The Baltic states and Poland, who also suffered under Soviet and Russian repression, are the most ardent supporters of Ukraine. The Czech Republic, which holds the current rotating presidency of the EU and with whom Ukraine once shared a sliver of territory, is also a great supporter, Klympush says.
“Old Europe” – Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain – have hesitated most to embrace Ukraine.
“Everybody has their own reasons,” Klympush says. “Some say they have to deal first with the western Balkans, as if Ukraine was trying to jump the queue. Others say Ukraine is not ready, that we have not met the Copenhagen criteria on democracy, rule of law, governance, the balance of powers and a free market economy. Obviously, we have an incredible amount to do.”
Ukraine’s EU aspirations were “one of the reasons Russia attacked us,” Klympush notes. “We are fighting a brutal war against aggressors. Our EU candidacy is a ray of light at the end of the tunnel.”
Klympush is a leading member of former president Petro Poroshenko’s European Solidarity party, whose initials in Ukrainian are the same of those of the EU. When Poroshenko appointed her deputy prime minister for European integration from 2016-2019, Klympush insisted that Euro-Atlantic integration – meaning Nato – be added to her title.
For many Europeans and Ukrainians, EU and Nato membership go hand in hand. “Between 70 and 80 per cent of EU entry requirements correspond to those of Nato,” Klympush says. “I do not believe Ukraine can be secure without joining Nato.”
When President Volodymyr Zelenskiy’s administration negotiated with Russia in Istanbul back in March, Klympush says, she and others in European Solidarity spoke out against indications that the Ukrainian delegation considered accepting neutrality. “Now it seems that is off the table for the presidential team,” she says. “The day after the war ends, we will make a political decision, like Finland and Sweden [to join Nato].”
‘Determination to conquer’
This is essential, Klympush continues, “because Russia will not renounce its determination to conquer Ukraine. If there is a peace agreement on the terms of the Russian Federation, it will mean another war in five or 10 years.”
Some fear the resolve of Ukraine’s western allies may weaken as the war continues. “There could be a temptation to give up Ukraine in exchange for a warm, comfortable winter,” Klympush says, referring to Russia’s use of gas exports to exert pressure. “There is a temptation to say, ‘Why can’t the Ukrainians just stop fighting?’ That just feeds Russia’s appetite and sense of impunity.”
US resolve has actually increased, Klympush says. “In April, the US was not willing to give us multiple rocket launchers and was categorically against giving us fighter jets. At this moment, we are getting Himars [High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems] and we are sending our pilots for training on fighter jets. If we had started in April, we would have pilots trained by now.”
Populist nationalists on friendly terms with Vladimir Putin are a part of European politics. Pro-Putin Italian politicians Silvio Berlusconi and Matteo Salvini contributed to the recent collapse of Mario Draghi’s pro-western government. “Russia bribes political elites,” Klympush says. “Look at Gerhard Schroeder, Marine Le Pen, Viktor Orbán. Unfortunately, they all have a price.”
Ukraine regrets Brexit. “We have felt the loss of the UK’s sober, objective appraisal of the Russia threat,” Klympush says. “Brexit was definitely a loss for Ukraine, regardless of who is prime minister. At the same time, the fact the UK is outside the EU allowed it to be more flexible and pro-active in supporting Ukraine.”
Boris Johnson’s visit to Kyiv in the first weeks of the war was a turning point in morale and international support, Klympush says. Kyiv watches the Tory leadership contest intently, and wonders whether Johnson’s successor will be able to replicate his rapport with Zelenskiy, and his influence in the UN Security Council, Nato, the G7 and G20.
“Ireland has discovered Ukraine because of the war,” Klympush concludes. “Our histories are very close. Ireland went through the potato famine and mass emigration. We had the Holodomor [a famine created by Stalin in 1932, which killed between 3.5 and five million Ukrainians]. A nation which has gone through that has a special feeling for those who suffered similarly. We share our experience of post-colonial struggle. Ireland fought for independence from empire. That is exactly what we are doing now.”
